Whose Urdu is it anyway?
Thursday, March 29th, 2012Urdu has an identity crisis in India -is it an Indian language or just a Muslim language? Liberals will claim that it is a secular language and list names of non-Muslim writers and poets who are…
Urdu has an identity crisis in India -is it an Indian language or just a Muslim language? Liberals will claim that it is a secular language and list names of non-Muslim writers and poets who are…
| Mass Hysteria Was Seen IN Gujarat During The RIOTS |
Gujarat riots, often termed as post-Godhra killings or the Gujarat Genocide, evoke extreme reactions.
Ten years have now elapsed since the unprecedented scale of mass murders and rapes, in which Muslims largely suffered, had shaken the country.
Whatever happened in Gujarat then was shocking not just by the scale of violence or the inaction of the State government.
Independent India has seen many riots in the past. Justice was denied to victims of riots in Delhi 1984, Meerut-Hashimpura-Maliana killings 1987 & Mumbai 1992-93 as well. These days it’s fashionable to say, why talk about old wounds? And that one must forget the past? Is it? It is really important not to forget.
Let’s see the reasons:
1. In Gujarat, for the first time, a mass hysteria was seen. The hate that was incited against minority Jews in Nazi Germany was seen in democratic India’s Gujarat state. People were not ashamed. Middle-class, educated people participated in riots and looting.
2. Across the world, in failed and lawless states, an ‘enemy’ is invented and people’s ire is directed towards it rather than focus on government’s failures. This strategy suits the ruler. As aggressors feel the government is their, standing solidly by their side, they go out for the killing.
Its classic strategy to mobilise the people. It could be the ‘immigrants’ who are blamed for bringing their culture or snatching jobs or the wealthy minorities. However in 2002, the violence surpassed all previous standards.
3. It’s not just the goons, the anti-socials and criminals, the unemployed and the employed, sudden start seeing a ’cause’. They unite behind the ‘macho’ leader. It makes them feels ‘potent’ to participate in murders and sexual violence. Rape is always about power. Psychologists agree that the ‘high’ is more about subjugation.
It brings out the worst, the beastly behaviour out of the society. After all, for years, people were fed on false notions like stories of Muslim aggression and their appeasement that inflamed the hidden hate. With police siding by the rioters. Abetted by leaders, Aided by police, it was the dance of death that left nearly 2,000 dead.
The cable TV revolution had occurred a few years ago. And hence the horrific killings were seen across the world. Even people within the ‘Parivar’ were astonished. Shanta Kumar condemned it, Vajpayee is learnt to have been upset, but was prevailed upon by the hard-liners’ camp.
Of course, the rioters had no qualms. In later years, Tehelka’s sting ‘Operation Kalank’ captured Babu Bajrangi’s spine-chilling confessions. See the LINK.
4. If a crime takes place, it is the law that should take action. Surely, the victim or his kin will be angry. But it is not that you identify the person on the basis of his caste or creed, and then go on murdering children belonging to his religion, burning people, killing by hundreds or raping their women.
Further, you shamelessly try to justify this. Even ten years later, most of the top leadership of BJP just does this. They repeat the ‘action for reaction’ theory for justification. Blame was pinned on all Muslims for doing the coach. Isn’t this utterly shameful.
5. Those who were termed conspirators of Godhra train compartment burning, were booked, even charged for Terrorism under the stringent POTA. Many were falsely implicated and later released. Others get sentenced for life and long years in prison. It was surely an unfortunate incident. Of course, state was proactive in this case.
The killings in Gulbarg Society, Naroda Patiya, Best Bakery, Sardarpura and umpteen other massacres were conveniently buried. In rural areas of Gujarat, the situation was even worse and things didn’t get reported for long. Muslims left en masse from towns and villages.
The prosecution seemed to have little interest in the cases. The situation was so bad that Supreme Court had to intervene and ponder over shifting the cases from Gujarat, as there was fear that justice would be subverted.
7. People talk of good governance now. What else can we expect. The first option was exploited and can’t be replicated. Yes, there will be good governance wherever there is fear. Either it’s during Emergency years or it is the Nazi Germany or dictators [other monarchs], there is an order visible on the street, not in democracy.
8. And where is justice? Even if all atrocities, injustice and oppression is forgotten, where is even the slightest remorse or even a healing touch? The victims were not given compensation. It took courts, human rights bodies and commissions to raise such issues.
The victims live in camps in extremely inhuman conditions. The leaders who talk of ‘Sadbhavana’ could also have focused on rehabilitation. Aren’t they aware of the condition in Shah Alam Camp and similar other temporary shelters for victims.
9. None of the top BJP leaders or administrators visited the refugee camps to take a look at the face of the orphan kid or put a hand on the head of a girl whose family was suffered in the massacre. Nothing of that sort ever happened.
It was a pogrom that was aimed at teaching the minorities a lesson. Gujarat was for long known as RSS’ lab for Hindutva. It is a different matter though that the reaction perhaps exceeded their own estimates.
10. The BJP leaders often talk of outsiders demonising Gujarat or insulting the state. These days one commonly hears about the ‘campaign to defame the 5 crore Gujaratis’. But it is conveniently forgotten how, Muslims were demonised for years, even after the riots.
In speeches during election campaigns, there were shocking statements. The names of Sohrabuddin and ”Miyan’” Musharraf were taken to rouse popular feelings and to cleverly link them with the Indian Muslims. Hate was spread in a calculated manner.
11. For those who talk how Gujarat is being targeted, they should recall the way Muslims were targeted in speeches. This is all on record.
Like the speech in which burqa wearing women were targeted and made fun of, that whether they go to respond nature’s call while wearing burqa. See the Link.
13. When it was sensed that the anti-Muslim posture can’t go on and on infinitely, India saw the birth of a leader who meant business and won’t tolerate any injustice. International PR agencies were hired. The resurgent Gujarat was born. This article in Caravan magazine by Vinod K Jose tells how this branding took place. Read at this Link.
Gujarat and the Gujarati was now positioned as the ‘victim’. If you say a word about riot victim’s rehabilitation or justice, you were termed anti-Gujarat, accused of being pseudo secular, a person who unnecessarily talks about the ghosts when there were none and when the state had become a sort of utopia.
It was ‘Gujarat’s Asmita’. Not different from the Hitler’s theory. Some decades back, MS Golwalkar had inked his thoughts about culture and minorities in Germany. It didn’t take too long for a ‘successful’ trial that was made in Western India.
14. These days BJP leaders often say that another ‘Gujarat’ [carnage] can’t happen. How are they so sure? Is it because they know the consequences now? Though justice is delayed, and often denied, the process even if slow, when initiates, begins to give sleepless nights to the aggressors.
It is not easy for the ‘tainted’ to get clean despite using all the resources, to absolve yourself of a shady past. Of late, Collectors-DMs and SPs get worried that if it law-and-order is not brought under control, they might be transferred or face the ire of judiciary. The leaders also fear that their could be action on them from the top.
15. The horrors that unfolded during the riots are too chilling to be recounted. The mini-stories ‘Shah Alam camp ki rooheN’ by Asghar Wajahad. One of the stories:
When night descends on Shah Alam camp, the children don’t fall asleep. They wait for the spirits of their dead parents…Siraj asked his mother, ‘how are you?’, She looked happy. Now I am a spirit, a soul, nobody can set me afire…Siraj said, ‘mother can I become like you?
It is wrong to think that such riots can’t recur. The battle to secure justice for Gujarat riots is on. And it’s not easy. As far as last few years in India are concerned, the pressure of activists, media and the understanding that riots will only bring a permanent taint on politicians, such incidents have reduced.
It could happen only because the victims, the civil society, the non-governmental organisations, the judiciary, the innumerable GUJARATIS who fought against the ‘system’, and kept the issues alive. One must salute them.
Ever since 2005, I have been writing consistently on this blog and though the bygone year was least productive in terms of the number of posts which I churned up, still, it was a satisfying year for me.
The joy of blogging is all about the freedom you have in expressing yourself and the fact that you don’t need to worry about the constraints of newspaper columns or the demands of the editor.
Even though I wrote fewer posts, I felt that the quality wasn’t compromised. The year 2011 had begun on this blog with an off-beat feature on the smoking saint:
Killed by Indians, Revered by Indians‘ about the East India company’s ‘Christian’ officer who was killed by Indian soldiers but over the years whose grave became a place of reverence and where people offer cigarettes.
COMMUNAL HARMONY & OFF-BEAT
Strange and unique stories included Pind-daan ritual for MF Husain and his soul’s salvation by Hindus in Bihar [Read], ‘Ganesha on Muslim couples’ marriage invitation card‘ [Read], stories on condition of Sindhi newspapers and magazines in India et al.
TRAVELOGUES
Some travelogues that included pieces on Lucknow. First about ‘Blogging from Lucknow: The romance of Rumi Gate then about ‘Clock towers of Awadh‘, Wandering from Aminabad to Hazratganj, Culture of non-vegetarian street food in India ‘Bun-Kebabs and street food‘.
Or the post on the huge ‘Chaubara‘, a Clock tower-cum-watchtower in Karnataka’s Bidar. There was a post on Kanpur, ‘Ganges and Greenery but no Gazelles’[Read]. Many posts were about Shias who interest me a lot viz. Shia populace yearning for political clout and Bohra community in India.
POETRY & LITERATURE
Urdu poetry is the defining feature of this blog. There were reports about couplets recited at Mushairas like this post. The demise of veteran poet of Bhopal ‘dabistaan’, Ishrat Qadri was a personal loss, it was titled, ‘We haven’t forgotten you Ishrat Sahab‘ and ’Buy a Urdu paper campaign‘ that began from Kolkata.
CRICKET
Though I focused a lot on cricket in the earlier posts like the articles on memories of the world cups of cricket from the first such even in 1975 [Read and Read] to Zaheer Khan’s sporting journey [Read] & Azamgarh throws up a hero [Read] but in latter part of the year I couldn’t keep the tempo.
FEATURE
Several satisfying posts like about the serendipitous discovery of a hidden heritage, which I wrote after finding this little-known but amazing Shia shrine in Unnao, and the one on centenary of shifting of capital from Calcutta to Delhi, ‘Calcutta 1911 and Ismail Merathi’s Urdu primer’ [Read].
MUSLIM ISSUES
There were posts like ‘Indian Muslims must avoid street protests’ [Read], as images of angry crowds and furious mobs create a bad image of the community. And yes, firing in Forbesganj [Read] or article on media’s astonishing softness on Sanatan Sanstha: Terror convicts termed as servants! [Read].
POLITICS & SOCIETY
Posts on ‘Peace Party’s growth in Uttar Pradesh [Read]. Decade of Print media boom in India that defied international trends. Among other off-beats posts were my visit to a Circus after a long time and returning sad, a post on Arjun Singh amongst others [Read]. Even a guest post.
There was focus on politics, stories on election scene and also a post on ‘Narendra Modi’s chances to become India’s Prime Minister’ [Read]. Come on you can’t call me ‘sickular’ or ‘pseduo’, I tried to be objective even if some of you would differ.
Not many movie reviews though I did watch Shahrukh Khan starrer Ra One and wrote a piece. There was another piece on ‘Ghantaghar’ which was about a father constructing a clock tower in his son’s memory in Lucknow [Read].
KASHMIR
I focused on Kashmir in the posts like ‘Eternal Suspects: Mistreating Kashmiri youths outside J&K‘ and ’Patriotism or Petty politics at Lal Chowk‘. There were a couple of posts on Indian Muslims’ and their issues including communalism, police excesses but mostly introspective ones like ’Sorry, I don’t need a Muslim leadership‘ [Read].
WOMEN POWER
In positive stories, there was focus on Saba Anjum, the India women’s hockey team captain’s journey was mentioned in the post, ‘Muezzin’s daughter is national team captain‘ and story on Muslim girls breaking tradition and contesting students’ union election in AMU [Read].
Whither Blogging: Soaring Traffic, Lesser Comments
Though there is less discussion on blogging now, I notice a trend. The traffic on this site has gone up sharply even though I am not even posting every week. Last year, sometimes only one article was posted a month.
But despite the surge in traffic, there are lesser comments. One of the reasons could be the moderation of comments, which I had introduced. Many people who are not on blogs, try but failing to log in, simply walk away without commenting.
But even otherwise, I feel, people are reading, even spending more time on blog, but avoid comments. The ones, who make wild or abusive comments, are of course filtered. Either Hindu or Muslim fundamentalist, none can get through.
I can’t stand meaningless debates and the endless arguments of hate-filled ’Anonymous’ netizens who keep suspecting others’ patriotism and nationalistic credentials or rake up an old issue, discussed a million times, and again ‘demand’ your answer.
BLOGGING IN 2012
For this year [2012], I had intend to write more often. Till now I have been quite regular and hope to write twice the number of posts compared to last year. For last year’s annual blogging round up [year 2010], you can go to THIS LINK.
So keep reading, friends.
Congress has suffered a jolt with Samajwadi Party’s landslide victory in UP elections. The drubbing is not just because of consolidation of Muslims voters but also other sections, however, the fact remains that Muslims didn’t get lured by Congress’ promises.
There are several reasons:
1. Muslims don’t want anything special but simply need basic amenities. However, Congress governments fail to deliver even on this count in states where they are in power.
Muslim ghettoes that overwhelmingly vote for Congress, remain the same. There is no change. The lesser said about the presence of hospitals and dispensaries or schemes regarding opening schools during Congress regimes, the better it would be.
Muslims don’t expect any party to promise that it will get them moon. It is well-known that such things [which BJP would instantly term as 'appeasement'] are not possible. Congress promises implementing Sachar panel recommendations but UPA’s first term went without any step in this regard and soon this five year term at the centre would also end. Won’t people feel that they are being taken for a ride?
2. If you can’t provide jobs or better civic amenities, the most basic expectation is that the law-and-order would be effective and there would not be fear of communal riots. But either it is Rajasthan where policemen fired at Muslims in Gopalgarh, a one sided action which was initially defended by state government, unjustifiable use of force at Karbala Jor Bagh despite a court order in favour of Muslims or illegal detentions [harassment] of Muslim youths in Delhi, the situation remains the same. What’s the difference between Rajasthan and NDA ruled Bihar where firing in Forbesganj occurred?
3. The Congress-led UPA government cares about the morale of police & security agencies but not sensitive enough to the demand and morale of hundreds of millions of Muslims. From police to lieutenant governor, at every step attempt was made to stop information sought regarding the Batla House encounter case. Would heavens have fallen if a judicial inquiry in Batla House encounter was instituted?
After all, inquiries keep lingering for years, and even if there is a recommendation, you can simply ignore it. Haven’t you been doing this for the last sixty years. This strange attitude shows Congress’ contempt towards us [Muslims]. It hurts. You don’t consider us anything except electoral slaves.
4. Twice in Maharashtra, Congress fought election on the promise that it would implement recommendations of Sri Krishna Commission panel regarding 1992-93 Mumbai riots. This hasn’t materialised. No wonder, Muslims voted for SP and your party lost in BMC election in Mumbai.
In fact, recommendations in all such cases including the infamous Maliana killings still gather dust. There is either no will or a strong right-wing presence in your party which ensures that not a single killer cop would ever get punished.
Such is the hold on bureaucracy that in cases like Hari Masjid firing where policemen entered mosque and fired at devotees, Maharashtra police acts with unusual zeal to protect its tainted cops.
5. Congress often gets Muslim votes by default. Muslims wanted an alternative. Many of us wanted a party that would be centrist, even a bit towards the right, but which would not act dubiously. Under Atal Bihari Vajpayee, BJP had somehow got a bit of Muslim support.
Unfortunately Gujarat happened, and just the fear that Gujarat carnage didn’t recur, Muslims had no option but to support your party. There was no third front [unlike the United Front or Left Front in late 90s] and hence Congress became the sole alternative.
6. Even though the Muslim electorate forget all the past follies of Congress ranging from installation of idol in Ram Temple to former Prime Minister Narasimha Rao’s promise of rebuilding Babri Masjid, but even today, there is no clarity in its approach.
Forget giving adequate representation to Muslims, the party leaders and ‘Muslim faces’ imposed by it remain out of touch with ground realities. Perhaps there is a feeling that Muslims have no option and will keep on voting for your party.
Just for the record, SP has inducted 10 Muslims in its 47 member cabinet. Congress wouldn’t have named five. It doesn’t show interest in letting Muslim leadership in the party grow. If there are outspoken politicians within party they either don’t go up or are not given as much importance.
7. Rahul ji, your leaders aren’t approachable. At ground level, they fly or whiz past us without listening to our problems. When we tell them, they appear listening sympathetically listen and when they go back, simply forget to take action.
Now if we come to the issue of virtual world, it is common complaint that Congress leaders aren’t approachable on Twitter or Facebook. A few of them have accounts but don’t interact or reply, compared to other parties.
| Akhilesh Yadav promised promotion of Urdu |
Initially I thought that I would give this post a title ‘Open letter to Congress from an Indian Muslim’ [or Rahul Gandhi]. But somehow, one feels, it would be futile. It is not that Congress leaders won’t know what their voters expect from them.
In Urdu papers, these issues are mentioned regularly. But is there any interest visible on part of India’s oldest political party when it comes to improving infrastructure in Muslim localities or ensuring swift action on schemes for Muslims.
8. Despite tall claims made by UPA-I and also UPA-II, Muslims are still denied loans by banks. Figures suggest that there is little change despite reminders and rebukes.
The money for scholarships don’t reach the students easily. Congress blames opposition parties that rule states from where many complaints about lack of implementation of policies for betterment of minorities are received.
Congress leaders immediately release huge amounts when Chief Ministers of non-Congress states accuse Centre of bias in releasing funds to non-Congress states. While releasing the funds, the UPA leaders can push the States for release of funds for minorities. Can’t they? Why year after year, funds are earmarked but only to get lapsed.
9. Rahul Gandhi seems sincere and interested in redressing the problems of Dalits, Muslims and other sections. But the party doesn’t seem interested at all. Whenever Congress governments take charge of office, they begin acting arrogantly.
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| Target Next: Election 2014 |
Just now Congress has managed to come to power in Uttarakhand. We are yet to hear a word regarding Muslims. Will the status of Urdu as second official language, which almost ended during BJP rule, be restored? We haven’t heard a word as yet.
10. The role of UP unit of Congress in closing down Urdu medium schools in post-independence era is too well known. It may not be printed too often or voiced publicly but the steps that were responsible for backwardness among Muslims in North India, aren’t forgotten. Even today, Congress cares little about Urdu. Here is an old post: Read
It is possible that at the national level where the issues are different and electorate think in terms of installing a government at the centre, the voters’ behaviour might be different. In UP, the party that was in a position to defeat BSP was supported and of course Muslims overwhelmingly voted for SP.
When Congress leader Salman Khurshid talked about Muslim reservation, Muslims were not amused. The 4.5% quota was a bad joke and it was meant for all religious minorities [that include Sikhs, Christians, Jains & Buddhists apart from Muslims] but was projected as if Muslims will be the sole beneficiaries. Bhai ham log itne saal se bewaqoof ban rahe hain, aur kitna banenge!.
It is just an exasperated Indian Muslim’s rant. One hopes that Congress would understand that Muslims, like rest of Indians, don’t want anything special. Good governance, access to basic amenities, justice and understanding of their issues. Of course, no false promises. And whatever little you promise, at least deliver or show the intention to deliver.
[This was the third and last part in the series of posts after UP elections. First was about SP's victory and the second about BSP's strange relationship with Muslims]
Wali Gujarati [1667-1707] is considered father of Urdu poetry. While we all know the respect Ghalib paid to Meer few of us know what Meer Taqi Meer said about Wali: Khugar nahin kuch yun hi hum…
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| ‘They didn’t vote for us’ : Why should they? |
BSP has lost power in UP and its leader terms loss of Muslim vote to the party as one of the main reasons. More than others, she has to reflect over it.
But before coming to her strange relationship with Muslims and TEN points on Muslims’ disillusionment, just a recap. Wayback in early 1990s, the rise of BSP had given hopes to Muslims, who wanted an alternative to Congress in North India, especially, UP.
Muslims felt that if BSP manages to get a majority of Dalit votes, it would be in a position to form the government on its own.
Though Muslims had soft corner for SP leader Mulayam Singh Yadav because of his bold stand in the Babri Masjid issue, it was clear that Yadavas were not as numerous as Dalits.
Also, whenever Muslims actively supported SP in those days, it led to reverse polarisation in favour of BJP. Kashi Ram’s efforts from the days of BAMCEF bore fruits and the BSP had finally managed to become a strong cadre based party in Uttar Pradesh.
Though Dr Faridi had passed away long back but his dream of forging a Dalit-Muslim alliance was coming into reality. Muslims were disillusioned with Congress, which was responsible for backwardness of Muslims in UP.
Congress appeared to seek Muslim vote only because if it didn’t win, there was the fear of BJP coming to power. After Kashi Ram’s death, Mayawati finally took control over the party. In her initial tenure she didn’t seem to take any important pro-minority steps.
But whenever she lost, she seemed upset that Muslims didn’t vote for her. However, a substantial percentage of Muslims always voted for BSP. In 2007 when she sought Upper Caste support and got absolute majority in UP Assembly, it was time Muslim community expected some good decisions.
Muslims didn’t want anything out of the way from the party. However, just keeping the state ‘riot-free’ could not be a sop for Muslims, as they also get aspirational. Strangely, she never even tried to understand Muslim psyche or their just demands.
| Nasimuddin: None better than him! |
Nasimuddin Siddiqui remained her sole link to Muslims and as far as his image or understanding of the needs for the community, the lesser said is the better. In this tenure, she remained aloof from Muslims. In fact, one felt that she has certain disdain or disinterest towards Muslims.
Earlier when she lost, she had (in)famously said that Muslims are ‘kattar’ [fundamentalist] and didn’t vote for her party. On this occasion, she said that Muslims didn’t vote for her. Doesn’t she realise that Muslims have no reason or obligation to vote for her.
Here are just a few points I would mention regarding Mayawati’s strange relationship with Muslims.
1. Forget any schemes or projects aimed at uplift of Muslims, BSP government never tried to even build bridges with Muslims. Kashi Ram, when he had roped in Urdu poets and intellectuals in late 80s and early 90s, knew this well that a few ‘occsaional’ statements are enough to make the Muslims happy.
2. When Azamgarh was defamed or when Muslim youths were routinely picked, she never even sympathised with the community or speak against the trend of demonising the place. Muslims expected nothing from the state government, just statements that ‘Azamgarh shouldn’t be branded as den of terrorists’.
3. When BSP MPs Akbar Ahmad Dumpy and Ilyas Azmi protested in Parliament, wearing the striped keffiyeh and raising copies of Mail Today, over the Batla House encounter, she had reprimanded them
for their stand, without consulting her. This didn’t go down well with Muslims, who in fact, wanted her to take a stand.
4. Muslims have an emotional link with Urdu. The language killed in UP during successive Congress regimes and the discriminatory law that stops opening of Urdu medium schools in the state was promulgated. SP did take steps for restoring Urdu’s status.
But BSP never seemed concerned about Urdu. In ten years, I have seen just two Urdu banners of the BSP supremo in Lucknow in more than ten years. Her government took no interest in continuing services of Urdu translators or the issues pertaining to the language.
Of course, she stalled Azam Khan’s Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar University project. The Arabic-Persian university which was the only big project announced for Muslim students during her five year regime, remained a non-starter.
When recently the Congress danged the carrot of reservation for Muslims in the OBC quota, which was in fact for all minorities, she was first to oppose it though later realising the folly, changed the stand and asked for a separate quota.
5. Neither priority was given to Muslims in recruitment in police nor in other government schemes. For a while [2010-2011] scholarships were given to Muslim girl students in schools but they were also insufficient and mostly in cities. When she spoke about quota for Dalits in private sector, she forgot Muslims.
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| Akbar Ahmad ‘Dumpy’ spoke but Maya… |
6. Certain things hurt a lot. She didn’t interact with Muslims, even Muslim women. Even this could be ignored as it had become her style.
But when delegation of Ulema went to meet her, they were asked to take off their footwear and frisked in such a manner, that Muslims felt offended.
7. Whenever new districts were named, it was done after Dalit leaders. Unlike other caste groups Muslims never opposed her constructions, parks and memorials, as they had seen how post-independence Congress governments in UP had erased Muslim-sounding names in UP.
While BSP never cared to initiate any scheme or project after a Muslim freedom fighter’s name, it even went ahead and changed names that disturbed Muslims. A case in point is Amroha, which is now part of JP Nagar. Its a question of identity. Over the years, the word, Amroha, had become to symbolise Muslim culture and if the district had to be renamed then why not BSP consider a Muslim personality for renaming it?
Everybody on the street asked, why she takes decisions so arbitrarily as if we don’t exist, have no identity and no voice. Christening places is also an interesting electoral ploy but it works. Once even Jayalalithaa had named a Tamil Nadu district ‘Dindigul’ as ‘Dindigul Qaid-e-Milleth’ after Maulvi Islamil and the decision had earned her huge Muslim support then.
8. Mayawati CAN’T BE written off. She might bounce back. Yes, her Dalit support remains intact. But it remains a mystery why she doesn’t at all care about Muslim support. Why, after all, she takes it for granted or feels that it Muslims will anyhow vote for her.
The elephant was even termed an Upper Caste symbol in slogans during campaigns by changing the earlier anti-Upper Caste stand ’tilak-tarazu aur talwar, into maro jootey chaar’, but Muslims, who were never averse to wear the blue hue, were neglected.
9. Perhaps, she felt that Muslims will vote for BSP wherever a Muslim candidate is fielded by her party. So the strategy of fielding more Muslims was enough! But the fact is that Muslims were too hurt. And they are so disillusioned that the feeling wouldn’t go in five years. ‘Sukh-dukh mein saath’ [even if just verbal] is what one expects from the leader.
10. The issues of Muslim artisans were never on priority. The weavers were suffering but the UP government didn’t take interest. The power [electricity supply] situation in Muslim dominated parts of cities and towns remained as bad as it was during BJP rule.
If not wholeheartedly, there can be at least, moral support to an extent. But she neither tried to implement a development agenda for Muslims, nor speak on behalf of Muslims who felt besieged on several occasions. If she didn’t understand Muslim psyche, why she never took any step towards getting emotionally close to Muslims. At least, should could have a got a few good advisers. What stopped her from doing that? It’s a big question?
Mayawati may win once again. But it is a bit saddening that she somehow remains apathetic to Muslims. Had she been a bit proactive, she could have cemented a winning Dalit-Muslim alliance. If a party gets support of this block, there is no question of electoral loss for it in Uttar Pradesh.
Mulayam couldn’t muster more than 30% even if all Muslims and Yadavs voted for him. Mayawati could get over 30% just if half of Muslims supported her [and 40% if all Muslims supported her]. Had she taken a few positive steps, a majority of Muslims would have supported her. After all, a party that is more likely to win gets more support.
Leaders, MLAs, and politicians who were part of the government, always expressed their frustration. I’m not talking about the legislators whose sole aim is ‘influence, power and money’ but the educated ones who wanted to raise real issues of Muslims at the grassroots.
But she didn’t evoke any confidence among Muslims. The message was not for once that ‘this is your party also’. Of course it is a Dalit-based party, Muslims didn’t want to be wooed [like Brahmins were once] but there was need for some acknowledgement for their support.
It was never done. This stand has cost her in other states also. Muslims earlier considered BSP an alternative but they don’t seem enthusiastic about it anywhere. It is not a question of inherent biases. It is simply a thing about losing a big opportunity. Call it her whims or whatever. Mayawati is, after all, Mayawati.
| RB Sreekumar |
If ten years after Gujarat riots, the issue continues to be at the centre stage of Indian politics and the judicial process is moving forward, even if slowly, credit is due to Indian society.
One must admit that it is mostly the non-Muslims, the secular Hindus, Sikhs, Christians and Jains who have fought on behalf of Indian Muslims. Putting their lives in danger, they have fought for the minorities’ rights and their justice.
It is an incredible story, if someone ever wrote it. Activists who painstakingly fought for victims, journalists who risked lives to do ‘stings’ and nail culprits, lawyers who have in trying times and braving social stigma [even threats] sided with victims.
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| Prashant Bhushan |
If Gujarat riots were India’s shame. The fight for justice is Independent India’s glory. A large section disapproves of human rights activists. But mostly this right-leaning segment of middle-class forgets that societies in other countries also act similarly.
In Pakistan, human rights activists who speak and fight for Hindus, Ahmadiyyas or Christian minorities are disliked by a large section, seen as ‘noise-makers’ and abused on Twitter and Facebook.
It is not an easy job to side with the victim, a person of other community, and take a stand. Particularly, when the might of state is against you. Frankly, majority of Muslim community had no idea how to fight this battle. On every front, it is mostly the non-Muslim leadership that has stood by Gujarati Muslims.
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| Teesta Setalvad |
It was Harsh Mander, who resigned from Indian Administrative Services (IAS) in wake of the riots, openly saying that his colleagues didn’t do what was expected from them during the pogrom.
Till date, he has been fighting for relief and rehabilitation. Teesta Setalvad is a symbol of this amazing story. The communalists, the right-wing dislike her.
However, for poor Muslims she is a messiah. Yes, she spoke for the ‘other’. You have to be a victim to realise how it feels when someone speaks for you.
How can we forgot Mukul Sinha, whose Jan Sangharsh Manch (JSM), has painstakingly collected vital evidences, records by scanning thousands of pages of documents, so that the culprits are today feeling the heat.
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| Rahul Sharma: Ordered firing that saved 300 Muslim kids |
And Prashant Bhushan. At every forum, he has taken up the cause of sufferers. The senior lawyer-activist has been a defender of civil rights and his commitment towards secularism, is surely amazing.
There aren’t enough Muslim activists who can take the fight at this level [Of course, Shabnam Hashmi is there but who else?].
The ‘intellectual’ or common Muslim had little time to think of it or dare do it in Gujarat, let alone act for years in such a hostile atmosphere when section of bureaucracy, society and officials see activists as enemies of Gujarat.
All these are Hindus. How many can dare take on the system in such a way as RB Sreekumar did. The intelligence chief, he was an insider. Disgusted by what happened in Gujarat and driven by pure humanity and conviction, he has been at the forefront in the fight.
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| Nandita Das |
Since 2002, at ever forum he has openly said what others suspected but couldn’t have been established easily: about officers’ laxity, alleged complicity and the politicians’ role in letting the riots go on after Godhra train burning incident.
For many he is a maverick police officer. But IPS officer Sanjeev Bhatt has risked his entire career at stake. He named Narendra Modi repeatedly. Even Muslim officers were obsequious and enjoyed plum postings a few years after the riots, content with the fruits of power.
It takes extraordinary courage to speak up when you are in the ‘system’. Bhatt has no qualms. Many of these people are staunch Hindus and deeply religious. And yes, their religious beliefs give them the strength when they stand by Muslim Gujaratis.
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| Mallika Sarabhai |
Exemplary commitment towards service was shown by several officials in 2002. Who won’t be indebted to Rahul Sharma, the IPS officer, who ordered firing on the mob when rioters were on way to burn a madarsa where 300 children lived, in Bhavnagar.
Sharma later came up with information that showed politicians’ nexus with rioters. The government acted against him, gave him charge-sheet. Satish Verma faced departmental harassment.
FIRs were filed against Bhatt. He was arrested as well. I don’t know if any other country can have similar example of people in high offices taking such strong stand amidst the typhoon of hate and violence that had swept Gujarat then.
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| Sanjeev Bhatt |
The figure of deaths in Gujarat was enormous. But it could have been even greater but for such brave men in uniform. The combined efforts have resulted in Supreme Court monitoring of cases, constituting the SIT, rapping government, all important steps.
Surely, it is wrong to squarely blame Gujarat or Gujaratis. Innumerable Gujarati Hindus are fighting this battle for the last decade. Their dream is a secular India, a secular Gujarat, for which they are all striving for.
Harsh Mander is a Sikh. Mallika Sarabhai belongs to a Jain family. Christian activists are also involved in this campaign to secure justice. Can we forget the contribution of Indian media that has shown its commitment towards secular India.
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| Harsh Mander |
Artists also expressed their protest. Movies like Rahul Dholakia’s Parzania that told the story of a Parsi family which lost its son as he had a Muslim-sounding name or Nandita Das’ Firaaq shows the agony they underwent in the aftermath of the massacre.
Ashish Khetan, whose landmark Operation Kalank had established the role of Babu Bajrangi as well as the alleged go-ahead given to Bajrang Dal-VHP leaders in 2002. This is just an example. Innumerable journalists, activists and writers have done every bit to ensure that the wheels of justice move.
So that the society doesn’t forget the horrors. When we talk of DG Vanzara, who is in jail for fake encounters, we see only one side of the picture. There are officers who didn’t budge despite immense pressure.
Officers who we must salute. V K Gupta, Manoj Shashidhar, Narasimha Komar, Vivek Srivastava, M D Antani, Upendra Singh and Keshav Kumar led from the front and ensured that violence was controlled in their areas.
| Mukul Sinha |
Go anywhere in India, the respect Teesta Setalvad’s name commands, is unbelievable. People have seen her act, speak and passionately fight for Muslims.
Criticising perpetrators of riots is fine for outsiders. It’s very easy. But its not an ordinary task to speak for the victims when it is considered ‘a moral sin’, especially when you are part of the ‘system’ [bureaucracy] in the Gujarat.
Call it conscience, courage, honesty, humanity or sense of duty, these officers have done something rare. And there are many such officers who have defied the diktats and decided to act as per law.
Whether Gujarat is shining right now or not, whenever history of this period [200-2012] would be written in future, it will be due to these people that the next generations would see as heroes and they would not have to hang their heads in shame for the conduct of rioters.
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| Rajnish Rai |
Honest officers, the courageous activists, the ordinary Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, Jains, Parsis who fought to ensure justice for their Muslim brethren.
It is this reason that entire Gujarat can’t be condemned or defamed. There were no personal gains involved. All of them paid price and faced harassment.
Trolls & hate-filled anonymous cyber warriors con’t understand these sentiments. The fighters are not ‘pseudos’, ‘sickulars’ or ‘Congis’, but humans. No wonder we are a mature democracy.
Despite the occasional failures, we can redeem ourselves, bounce back and set new standards. There is no fun fighting for yourself. Everybody does it. But what we have seen in a decade is something extraordinary. It sends the message that humanity and justice ultimately prevail.
This is a story of many heroes and it has a lesson for every society. Our salute to all the heroes. [There are many more activists, lawyers and journalists who played their part in this fight for justice. Some names mentioned above are just to give an indication about the nature of this fight.]
This was second part on the series on post-Godhra killings on this blog on the tenth anniversary of riots. Read first part here.
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| Akhilesh Yadav: Thank you UP! |
The results of Uttar Pradesh Assembly election have thrown a surprise. Though everybody expected Samajwadi Party to do well, the landslide majority has astonished even the party’s most ardent supporters.
Once the elections are over, everyone worth his salt can write an analysis and spell out reasons for Congress’ debacle, BJP’s poor show and Mayawati’s failure to hold on to her vote. But the truth is that anyone who travelled in UP, would have sensed a wave.
It [the vote] was not for Samajwadi Party. It was more for a party that was best suited to defeat the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). Of course, Akhilesh proved himself as an affable alternative. Even though law-and-order front was not at all as bad as in the previous regime, there was a growing sense of disenchantment towards the BSP government.
Can it be blamed for caste prejudice? The Upper Caste and even a section of Muslims who wanted Mayawati to lose power, wanted the regime to go anyhow? Not exactly so. Just five years back Muslims had wholeheartedly supported Mayawati and so did the Upper Castes.
Then what happened in the last five years? The complaints about unnecessary spending on statues to an extent smacked of inner prejudices. Even in the past, when Dr BR Ambedkar’s statues were erected in UP during BSP’s initial regimes, one could sense the Upper Caste’s [even so-called 'elite' Muslim] discomfort.
When King George Medical College‘s name was changed, even Muslims seemed apalled. Though it was a colonial name that had been replaced with that of a Dalit icon Shahuji Maharaj, a move that shouldn’t have been opposed. After all, post-independence, Muslim poets, writers and personalities were forgotten in UP.
Hardly any building, park or monument was named after Muslim freedom fighters or minority leaders in the six decades and even whatever had remained was either changed or destroyed. Still, Maywati’s creations seemed to cause more heartburns.
Just like in earlier election, when everybody was fed up of ‘Goonda Raj’ and people on the street openly talked about Mayawati’s arrival, on this occasion there was a clear consolidation against BSP. The reasons, even not too convincing, were aplenty.
People talked about her ‘aloofness’, her ‘arrogance’, her ‘lack of interaction’, her ‘narcissism’ in the same breath. What did it stem from? After all, the law-and-order situation wasn’t as bad as it is often projected. People on the ground said that there was corruption.
A Dalit auto-rickshaw driver told me that it was his dream to buy a three-wheeler of his own. But couldn’t do it because the rickshaw cost Rs 2 lakh. However, for its permit, he needed another Rs 3 lakh apart from a ruling party politician’s recommendation in RTO [Transport department].
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| 4.5% quota was not just for Muslims but all Minorities |
People in all walks of life had similar tales to tell. They claimed that earlier ‘kaam to ho jata tha‘, now much more money was needed apart from political connections for your work to be done.
Either it was getting recognition for your primary school or starting a sawmill [a person spent Rs 10 lakh for re-starting his own saw-mill as the licence had expired].
It was such tales of corruption that perhaps hit Mayawati. The stories about the corruption kept on spreading. Urban legends spread fast. Maya’s aloofness and ‘attitude’ probably made it sound more credible. MLAs complained she was inaccessible.
The honeymoon between Upper Castes and Dalits was over. Brahmins felt they had been totally neglected after the government was formed with their support. Was their grievance genuine or it was the gradual decline in their traditional influence in rural UP [and urban] that perturbed them.
Was it Maya’s overconfidence that did her in or it was part of strategy to consolidate Dalit voter, which backfired? One thing is sure, as voters realised that SP is the only party in position to convincingly defeat BSP, the indecisive voters also supported it.
Though Yadavs are not a big block compared to Dalits, Mulayam managed to get the backing of the powerful backward castes. Though incumbency could be a factor, Mayawati didn’t lose her hold over the Dalits. But the party was no longer evoking interest among other caste groups.
Even the huge number of young electorate that came out to exercise franchise for the first time, seem to have supported SP, which is no less surprising. As far as BJP is concerned, it had been marginalised long ago. Apart from infighting, Uma Bharati’s import from Madhya Pradesh failed to enthuse it.
Veteran BJP leaders couldn’t instill any confidence in its workers. Rahul Gandhi worked hard but people wanted to vote for a party that would form a government in the state. It was not a union election and hence there was no need to waste the vote.
The promise of 4.5% reservation for minorities that included all religious groups including Sikhs, Christians, Jain and Buddhists further angered Muslims, because Congress touted it as a Muslim reservation, which it was not.
Salman Khurshid, who is not a politician of grassroots, again had to face his wife Loiuse Khurshid’s defeat. Even in its bastions, Amethi, Rae Bareli and Sultanpur, its candidates performed badly and the party lost at most of the places.
The remarks on Batla House issue had angered Muslims. The party twice won Maharashtra over the promise of implementing Sri Krishna Commission report but never did that. It couldn’t even order a judicial inquiry in the Batla House encounter. What use is such party?
The anger over Kalyan Singh’s entry to SP, which was evident last time, was a thing of past now. A new record was created as far as victory of Muslim legislators is concerned. Even a Muslim contestant won from Lucknow where communal polarisation and Shia-Sunni dispute [causing division of votes] was reason for lack of Muslim representation from the City for decades.
At least 69 Muslim candidates won the election, with SP’s Muslim contestants emerging victorious in 43 seats. This is the highest ever number of Muslim MLAs in Uttar Pradesh Assembly. The positive aspect is that SP has got majority and there would not be any horsetrading.
Akhilesh Yadav had made many promises. It is his personality that helped the SP and drew the electorate. He must get the credit for changing the public perception about SP. A section worries about decline of national parties in UP, India’s most populous state that has a population of 200 million.
But it is also a healthy aspect for Indian democracy. The checks and balances would make it more vibrant. SP has to deliver on governance and development. Ajit Singh’s RLD is getting further marginalised in the state politics.
Just for the record, the difference in Assembly composition in 2007 and 2012. In the 403 member UP legislative assembly, a party needs 202 for absolute majority.
2007-2012
Parties’ tally in UP Assembly
Year BSP SP BJP Cong RLD Others/Independents
2007 206 97 51 22 10 17
2012 80 224 47 37 [Cong+RLD] 15
Congress and BJP can’t be complacent and need to rework their strategies. Electorate won’t reward them just because the are ‘national parties’. SP’s victory will do well to keep UPA’s arrogance in check. Similarly, BJP leaders also need to do lot of introspection.
Sound bytes and articulation in TV studios won’t fetch them power in the cow belt, which is the route to power at Delhi. After this result, BJP leadership would surely have realised it. Will anlyze more in coming posts on this blog.
For the list of names of winners and losers in all the constituencies in UP, check the Election Commission’s website. And another link that tells name of all the winners on one page is HERE.
First a great news for Urdu lovers, as also for those who love cartoons. A website that features cartoon strips in Urdu, Urdu Cartoon Kids, has been launched.
For years we have heard Urdu speakers lament that the language is not linked to employment or it doesn’t have resources. The truth is that no one stops you from doing anything. Hundreds of newspapers are published in Urdu and they are full of politics or other mundane news.
However, there is no focus on kids. They don’t realise the importance of the young generation learning the language. Unless the kids gets comfortable with the script, there can’t be a strong readership for Urdu or magazines in the coming generations. We don’t have a magazine like ‘MagicPot’ that appeals to 3-7 year segment either.
Government in India established 16 Urdu Academies in India apart from NCPUL and some other institutions for promoting Urdu. Urdu speakers could have put pressure on them to take up such work. Alas, after the Khilauna ceased publication, even kids’ magazines don’t invest in cartoons, which are the first to attract children towards the written word.
Even more shocking is the fact that though Urdu has the status of official [or national] language is Pakistan, I didn’t know of any cartoon site from the country either. Such gross neglect towards children is astonishing by any standards.
But blaming others is easy. What is more important is that you do the job and set standards. It’s not easy but it’s not impossible either. The website Urdu Kidz Cartoon has been launched. It will get enriched in the days to come.
Now children who surf the net, can read their favourite cartoons, the ones which we read in 70s, the decade of 80s or even the newer comic characters, in their mother tongue. Spread the word, friends. Such projects need your moral support.
Thank you Taemeer.com. A big thanks to Syed Mukarram Niyaz. I wish to thank each of the team members individually. Thank you Mr Syed Nomaan, Ms Andaleeb, Mr Arshad Jamal Hashami, Mr Jawed Nehal Hashami, Mr Shoaib Saeed Shobi, Mr Ejaz Obaid, Mr Syed Hyderabadi and Mr Sawood Ibn-e-Sayeed.
Netizens had put up old cartoon strips in Hindi [and English] that were published in Indrajal comics in the past, on blogs and sites. However, we hadn’t seen such a passion among Urdu-walas till now. Hope the creation of this website would awaken others as well.
Till now Urdu comics were not easily available in India. I am not aware about the situation in Pakistan though.
Just last month I had written the post ‘No cartoons, comics in Urdu newspapers’ on this blog and had written a post earlier also.
Within a month, I am witness to the birth of this website. Now it’s our job to take the site ahead, in terms of suggestions, at least.
True to the catchline, a site for ‘eight to eighty year old kids’, as there is a child in every adult, this website fills an existing void. Of course, it is just the beginning. So what are you waiting for? Just logon to the UrduKidzCartoon.
| Urdu verses on Karbala on a hoarding at a haveli in Old Lucknow |
Recently I had a chance to spent sometime in Shia dominated localities in Lucknow during a short trip.
Though Shias form a sizeable chunk of Muslim population in India, being a minority within a minority, their culture and traditions aren’t too discernible to public eye.
Except the rituals during Muharram, there is little focus on the Shia sub-culture among the Indian Muslims.
Though I know many persons belonging to the Shia community, I had no close friend and as a result several aspects about them were not known to me before.
As the ruling family of Oudh was Shiite, the influence of the Shiasm was quite strong on the culture and traditions.
One may not agree entirely but several leading historians and writers ranging from Qurratul Ain Hyder to Amaresh Mishra [author of Lucknow: Fire of Grace] have termed the era of Nawabs of Awadh as a confluence of Brahmin-Shia ethos.
Though that period has passed long ago, Lucknow has dozens of Shia mohallas. And hence the Shia street is more visible in Lucknow. At other places, Moharram is observed for ten days or at the most 40 days every year.
| A view of Shia college on the day of Eid-e-Zehra |
But in Lucknow the mourning period stretches up to 2 months and eight days [68 days]. The ‘Azadari’ continues during this entire duration.
Even otherwise, the innumerable monuments and puts Lucknow in a different league as far as Indo-Islamic culture is concerned.
Here elegiac Urdu poetry reached new heights. Poets like Anees and Dabeer were masters of this art form [marsia] and composed long sorrowful verses on the tragedy at Karbala.
Apart from this not much is more to non-Muslims or even Muslims. Frankly, there is often a level of prejudice among Sunnis. However, there is much more to Shia culture in Lucknow. It is not just about Imambadas or the Ashura rituals.
Just a few observations:
1. A couple of months back when I had passed through Nakhas, I’d seen black flags atop all the houses. This time crimson flags were visible everywhere.
| View of a street in Old Lucknow |
It was Eid-e-Zehra. Though I was well aware about Eid-e-Ghadeer, I came to know about this festival [Eid-e-Zehra] for the first time. I saw colour spread on the streets also to express the .
2. Unlike other Muslim localities where one is used to seeing travel agents’ advertisements about Haj and Umrah, here tour operators advertised other trips as well.
They included pilgrimage to places important for Shias that are located in Iran, Iraq, Syria et al.
3. Every few feet one could see posters or pamphets on the walls about a ‘majlis’. Most of the posters were in Urdu but some in Hindi and even in Roman Urdu. Many shops had put up boards that ‘sheerini’ (sweets) for ‘tabarruk’ to be distributed during the ‘majlis’ are available.
| Poster in Lucknow about Delhi issue |
4. Shops were selling casettes and CDs of ‘nauhas’ [poetic genre about events that led to the martyrdom of Hazrat Imam Husain AS and his companions at the battle in Karbala].
The posters announced arrival of new ‘nauhas’ and about facility of downloads on cellphones also. CDs and DVDs include that of marsias, salams, manqabats, nauhas et al.
5. The incident involving alleged police high-handedness at Karbala Jor Bagh [Delhi's Dargah Shah Mardan] seemed to have a strong reaction in Lucknow.
The walled city had billboards in abundance about the Sheila Dixit government’s mishandling of the issue and Congress’ anti-Shia stance. Another notable feature in Shia quarters is that many people are seen dressed in black.
6. Huge posters dotted the streets. There were long messages in Urdu from religious heads.
Also, photographs and life size images of the clerics were seen.
| Posters in Walled Lucknow about ‘majlis’ and Eid-e-Zehra |
7. Advertisements about Shia TV channels and websites were also seen.
A day [or two] later, there was again a clash between Shias and Sunnis, strange Lucknow phenomenon. The city has no history of Hindu-Muslim rioting except a communal clash. But this sectarian issue continues to take the form of street fights here.
It was after years of agitation that the processions of the sects were allowed. I have a feeling that if such law-and-order issues continue during the Azadari or Madah-e-Sahaba Juloos, the administration might be forced to restrict the processions once again.
After writing this post, I realised that I had now written a couple of posts on Shias:
1. Indian Shias: Poor political representation despite substantial population
2. Hidden Heritage: Coming across a Shia shrine in Unnao in Uttar Pradesh